Britishness
As a child hatched into this world a few short years after
the Second World War, I grew up with a strong sense of Britishness.
There was a palpable feeling of improvement and of moving towards better
times after wartime austerity. There was a coronation and a new Queen
and a supreme sense of pride in being British. There was still a
residual Empire and the Queen kept acclaiming the significance of the
Commonwealth, with Great Britain as its central focus. Mr Churchill
delivered statesmanlike speeches and Prime Minister Macmillan, in his
rigid authoritarian and unmistakably British style, reminded us that
“We’d never had it so good”.
To a child, Great Britain
seemed supreme, and I remember feeling hugely proud to be British.
Interestingly, then, the Conservative Party consistently won most votes
in Scotland.
As the child became adolescent, Great
Britain seemed to lose its magnitude and instead of the certainty of
authoritative leaders, we had The Beatles, a vibrant young pop culture,
Carnaby Street, mini cars and miniskirts and a general ceding of
privilege in favour of the generation I belonged to – a generation which
had never experienced war nor hardship.
Still the
sense of Britishness prevailed, manufacturing industry was strong and,
on the back of that, industrial workers felt strong allegiance to strong
trade unions which were British-wide institutions. Utilities and
railways were publicly owned throughout the whole of the UK and this,
also, fostered a strong sense of cohesion.
The Britain I
see now bears no resemblance to those earlier memories: There is
clearly no Empire and at best a residual Commonwealth. Trade unions are
weaker, British Rail has been privatised with ownership fragmented
amongst a range of providers. The unspoken glue which cemented Great
Britain together is no longer there and the Union flag seems associated
with either far right extremism or the “long live Britain as a fair and
pleasant land” folks. There seems to be no sense of cohesion, nor any
vision of where we’re trying to get to. National pride and a sense of
serving a greater whole have been replaced by acquisitive
two-dimensional consumerism and self-interest.
Scottishness
To
that child, being Scottish was incidental. We learnt at school that
Scotland was a nation with its distinctive legal system, and
institutions. But my parents, one from Liverpool, one from Perth, made
no great play of it and the educational system played it down. TV
portrayed Scotland as a quaint land of Brigadoon, The White Heather
Club’s formulaic dancing, and Jimmy Shand Music, and Scottish actors
were generally allocated quaint or eccentric cameo roles in the cinema.
But the fact that the Royal Family holidayed here seemed to my young
perception to lend the country some gravitas.
Contrast
that with now, when Scotland is confident of its place and there’s a
strong sense of identity and self-belief. Since devolution in
particular there’s a real sense of politics being relevant and of being
able to move things forward in a distinctively Scottish way. As
Britishness has waned, it seems that the opposite has been the case with
Scottishness.
Scotland’s Place in The Union
History
taught me that Scotland surged forward after political union with
England, in terms of prestige and national wealth. Scotland was key in
driving forward the UK's home and international interests. It was one
of the power houses of Empire: It built the railways, the locomotives
and the ships that facilitated transport and trade with the British
Empire. Very largely Scotland advanced the inventions, innovation and
scientific discoveries which drove Great Britain and the Empire forward.
(Which is not to belittle Stevenson and Brunel and their worthy
achievements). I'm reading a book at the moment about Thomas Telford,
the engineer who planned and constructed countless projects across the
UK, including of course the Caledonian Canal. I hadn't realised until
reading it that Telford also build many of Scotland's fishing harbours.
He was, as people will know, a Scotsman, but the reality is that that
ambitious project roll-out was financed by the UK for the benefit of the
whole UK.
On the back of that Glasgow became the
second city of the Empire and Edinburgh developed its splendid Georgian
new town.
So how did a confident and expansionist post-union Scotland sink from
that worthy role to the Scotland I knew as a child, an authoritarian country where folks are coy about exerting individualism, take comfort in a national mediocrity, and look for support from, rather than making demands of, the pubic agencies whose proper role is to implement our collective wishes.
No comments:
Post a Comment